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Historia 43 — SEG 43 Nr. Heidelberg , — Kadmos 34 29—32 cf. Graz , — with refs. RGA 15 — Der Beitrag der Indogerma- nistik zu Fragen der Ethnogenese. In Studien zur Ethnogenese. Opladen , — esp. IF [g 51 and R. The lack of sound methodology vitiates the parts on PIE culture, too. As mentioned above, every cultural reconstruction including gods and myths needs linguistic bases; the assumed similarity of given categories such as gods or myths is not enough to reconstruct such ideas to the proto-language, because, firstly, it is not falsifiable, and secondly, in this case it is not possible to exclude that we are faced with a common motif of human culture.

However, as it is well known, these strict methodological rules are not followed by American Indo-Europeanists, nor by Fortson, who generally compare only categories. The same holds for reconstructing PIE society p. Zur Entstehung eines Mythos [Orientwissenschaftliche Hefte 5]. Wash- ington , 1—27 is a welcome suggestion, but it is very weak regarding the provided linguistic data see esp. Akten der X. Fachtagung der Indogermanischen Gesell- schaft. Innsbruck, September [IBS 93].

Indo-European migrations

Innsbruck , 87—99; and cf. Wiesbaden , — and n. Studies in Honor of Calvert Watkins. Innsbruck , — assured PIE status to this for- mula.

Indo-European language and culture : an introduction / Benjamin W. Fortson IV - Details - Trove

Innsbruck , —, cf. This chapter has been knowingly placed towards the beginning of the book rather than at the end of it because interest in these matters [i. PIE culture] usually runs high [p. Unfortunately, such an approach will again boost such entirely mistaken views that no linguistic data is needed for com- parisons.

In view of these fundamentally diverging views within the scholarly community, the reviewer is not sure whether an introductory handbook of IE linguistics should really contain a chapter on PIE cul- tural studies at all — but if the answer is positive, it has to be based on a strict, falsifiable methodology and an abundance of linguistic data.


  • 1. Introduction.
  • Reconstructing Syntactic Variation in Proto-Indo-European.
  • From Demon to Darling: A Legal History of Wine in America;

As to the main parts of this book, in such a bulky volume — and in the age of specialisation — some minor problems and debatable views are, of course, inevitable. Some of them will be cited here, not as criticism but as suggestions for a text as accurate as possible. The reviewer is still sceptical about using poetic texts for syntactic investigations, against the positive view of the author. The statement that in Hittite any noun could precede a modifier when one or the other element was emphasised, is an oversimplification, because the participles were regularly fronted, but nouns only if their adjective was in distinctive usage.

The meaning of the Cunei- form Luwian sequence alati … wilusati is hotly debated. The author follows C.

The Indo Europeans and Historical Linguistics

The existence of an ergative case in Anatolian lan- ———— Neumann mentioned above. The exact form of this word is debated. Chapel Hill , HS [] 24— Proceedings of a Symposium Held in Honour of J. Leiden , — Incidentally, H. WO 2 Anatolico e indoeuropeo. Akten des Kolloquiums der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft Pavia, Innsbruck , 81— Bryn Mawr , 58— Wiesbaden , ; Troia im Kontext des historisch-politischen und sprachlichen Umfeldes Kleinasiens im 2.

Studia Troica 7 , n. Akten des Symposiums vom Denkschriften ]. Wien , ; Wie haben die Troer im Jahrhundert gesprochen? The author is inconsequent in citing Hittite ono- mastic material, because personal names are given in nominative e. Kavitskaya who seems to solve this long-standing problem. In case of the Duenos-inscription it is worth mentioning that the second line has a recent in- genious solution but not without problems.

The interpretation of fufens and similar forms as f-perfects has recently been challenged. Although Continental Celtic languages are fragmentarily attested, their description is too short. Rather than in the normalization of inconsistent states, typology may be of help to explain residual states by means of those languages where the corresponding structures are not residual and still show their function transparently. In this paper we have discussed various problems related to linguistic reconstruction implied by the traditional CM and by IR in the field of diachronic syntax.

Accordingly, hypotheses were formulated considering PIE , or early stages of it, a typical SOV language, a typical topic-prominent language, a typical non-configurational language or a typical active-stative language. Such ideas of syntactic consistency are periodically re-propounded under various guises and have also recently had resurgence.

More generally, we have argued against this kind of correlate fallacy. The observation of a morpho-syntactic trait X in a series of genetically related languages allows the reconstruction of X in their proto-language, but not of Y or Z that in some other languages may be associated to X. The latter practice is a misuse of typology in syntactic reconstruction.

On the contrary, this alleged syntactic consistency is not found in the data, whereby the more we analyze the early texts of the IE languages, the more syntactic variation we find in word order, argument coding or anaphoric strategies. This suggests that the older stage of PIE was neither more consistent nor simpler than that of the attested languages, and that syntactic variation, as far as it can be reconstructed, must be posited ab origine for languages. Crucially, as different and often inconsistent syntactic patterns are found to compete in the attested languages, such structural co-occurrence can be hypothesized also for the proto-language—and for the same stage of it—unless we have independent evidence that the reconstructed structures belong to different diachronic layers.

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A functional motivation often appears in the early stages of a construction, or in synchronically anomalous structures to which unmarked patterns have not been extended. Such original functions may be often identified by looking at modern languages, also outside the IE domain. This may be an appropriate use of typology in historical linguistics, since typological generalizations usually proceed from function to form cf.

Croft — The latter is actually more popular at the present stand of diachronic syntax, but it may only be reconstructed by an often-forced application of IR , which in principle proceeds by reducing alternate forms and implies original homogeneousness. Accordingly, IR seems to be scarcely suitable to represent syntactic change, owing to the fact that syntax inherently implies the creation of continuously new and diverse clauses and constructions.

Although our criticism to the anomaly principle only concerns its use in diachronic syntax, we may argue—but leave for further research—that the traditional tools of the CM and of IR may also have weak points in the domain of phonology and morphology. As a matter of fact, the assumption of a homogeneous linguistic source implied by the CM and especially by IR may be at odds with irreducible phono-morphological alternates, as in the case of vowel gradation. Of course, our intention is not to refute the principles of the CM and of IR , which currently still represent the most validated strategies of reconstruction in historical linguistics cf.

We only mean that, as in all other scientific methods, they may have flaws in certain domains; consequently, the analyst needs to be more cautious and to also use further pieces of evidence external to them. Schuchardt Hoenigswald ; Fox Instead, language change is today more often related to social sciences. Thus, the need for a partial revision of the method may be seen in the context of the already revised position of historical linguistics and language change. In social sciences, variation is the norm rather than the exception. Owing to its intrinsic creative capacity, syntax—rather than being irrelevant to linguistic reconstruction, as often assumed—may be even a challenge to investigate an original structural variation, with its implications of functional competition, in other more traditional domains of linguistic reconstruction.

Abraham, W. Passivization and typology. Adams, J.

Proto-Indo-European language

Aikhenvald, A. Dixon a eds. Areal diffusion and genetic inheritance. Problems in comparative linguistics , Oxford, Oxford University Press. Dixon eds. Onishi eds. Allen, C.

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